Tuesday, April 23, 2013

Henry John Kirrin and Georgina a k a George

HJK was ancestor of Georgina. Let us refer to the proper place in the proper book:

"They are the initials of my great-great-great-grandfather!" said George. Her eyes were shining. "I've heard all about him. His name was Henry John Kirrin. This was his ship, you know ..."


This is from Five on a Treasure Island*, from chapter 6 (?)** Exploring the Wreck. So, Georgina's last name is Kirrin then?

One does not usually carry the names of all one's great-great-great-grandfathers, since one has 16 of them and it would be unpractical to carry around 16 surnames. Let's find out if we can if anyone in the family was ever called Kirrin.

"It's like this," she said. Years ago my mother's family owned nearly all the land round here. ..."


That was chapter 3** "A queer story - and a new friend". So, Quentin and his brother were presumably never called Kirrin. The one person who was once called that was Aunt Fanny. Henry John Kirrin was her great-great-grandfather. On three times the paternal side. He was Georgina's great-great-great-grandfather but once on the maternal side, since Fanny is her mother and not her father.

So, unless someone else finds out that Quentin also descends from Henry John Kirrin on another side, we must be content that we do not know Quentin's and his brother's family name any more than his brother's first name, and so we do not know the last name of Julian, Dick, Anne or George either.

May I modestly suggest Dorsel, and that Quentin had two cousins one of whom was his colleague in Bretagne? You see, in the French translation Georgina becomes Claudine "Claude" Dorsel with an island in Bretagne. And Five on a Treasure Island was not the first but the last book translated to French. The first book translated to French was the second English book, which was translated in 1955.

Reconstructing plausibilities, the original family stopped having their adventures in 1948 or 1949, then Enid Blyton continued to write, drawing on previously unpublished material about their adventurous years, and then some time like 1955 - when England sees Five Have Fun Again - it is really the turn of the Dorsel family, but their adventure in 1955 is not yet published in French, only in English translation by Enid Blyton, while France is reading the adventures of the English/Cornish family back in 1942. Just to protect the privacy of the French/Breton Dorsels (unless of course Dorsel does not come into play earlier in French Club de Cinq books than the translation of Five on a Treasure Island, as a family name).

Which also explains the "fluid timeline" phenomenon about the novels. 1942 - 1962 = 20 years. By 1962 the original Julian, Dick and Anne, as well as Georgina a k a George, were obviously 32, 31, 30 and 31. But if the French Dorsels started adventuring in 1955, about as young as the English family in 1942, they were not that old in 1962.

I am writing a novel in which Susan Pevensie and Georgina are good friends, Susan marrying a character from an unfinished novel by John Ronald Reuel Tolkien, Audoin Errol of The Lost Road, whereas Georgina marries a character of mine, who is really named George (which is whenabouts she starts to get used to being called Georgina) who is not Indian, nor father of any Jyoti called Jo, so I'd like to imagine that the father of Jyoti actually married Claudine Dorsel rather than Georgina. Which might also better suit the timeline of the new Famous Five that went on TV in 2008 and which include aforementioned Jo.

So resuming this scenario I reconstruct: Georgina is daughter of one Fanny née Kirrin but married NN - I reconstruct as Dorsel - and she goes on adventures with her dog Tim and her cousins between 1942 and 48 or 49, when Timothy dies. Enid Blyton goes on writing thitherto unpublished adventures of them up to 1955. In 1955 their cousins in France/Bretagne, with Claudine Dorsel take over, and to protect their privacy their names are used in the translations of the originally English adventures, so they can truthfully say they are not the novel characters, while England reads about their adventures between 55 and 62 but translated as the names of the English/Cornish family around Kirrin Island. Very neat if it was relations of them that took over in 1955, which would explain how Enid Blyton already used to writing about Georgina and her dog and cousins came to hear of Claudine Dorsel and her dog Dagobert and her cousins. That is why I would like Quentin and his brother to be named Dorsel.

Also, the mother of Jyoti is clearly more secularised than my Georgina in the end, in my novel. To which I here link:

Chronicle of Susan Pevensie
List of Extant Chapters


Hans-Georg Lundahl
Nanterre
St George
23-IV-2013

* If you liked the essay "What Chaucer really did to Il Filostrato" you might consider writing another one called "What Enid Blyton really did to Treasure Island (by Robert Louis Stevenson)". Unless I do so before you. But even if I do, if you disagree you can write another one in order to refute me.

** I am holding an abridged edition, I suppose all the chapters are there and the shortenings are within the chapters. [I was wrong, see update:]

Update, Ascension Day, 9-V-2013

In the French Translation some relationsships are different. The Ancestor is one generation closer. The tomboy's father is not brother of the fathr but of the mother of her three cousins. In the full version, the chapter is actually 8, not 6, where we get to the ancestor's initials and name and relation.

English French
Kirrin Kernach
Henry John Kirrin Henri Kernach
Aunt Fanny Cécile Dorsel
Uncle Quentin Henri Dorsel
Georgina Claudine
= "George" = "Claude"
Timothy Dagobert
= "Timmy" = "Dago"
= "Tim" = "Dag"
Julian François Gauthier
Dick Mick Gauthier
Ann Annie Gauthier

Sunday, April 14, 2013

Deux Chrétiens sur l'amour et le mariage

Selon Jean Paul II (s'il était pape), quand il était encore Karol Wojtyla, archévêque (s'il l'était) de Cracowie, seul l'amour très profond peut rendre ce qu'on appelle "l'acte d'amour" à la fois honnête et humaine. Deux personnes qui le font sans s'aimer profondement, se mentent avec leurs corps (ce qui est, alors, pire que de se mentir avec ses bouches, car plus intense, et donc plus facilement crû). Le vrai sens de cet acte est un don de soi sans réserve et sans regret, ce qui ne peut pas exister - c'est ici que ça devient interessant pour un Chrétien - à moins que la fidélité et la fertilité soient décidées en avance, quand on a encore du souffle pour se parler avec un peu de calme, et donc définitivement. D'où la nécessité de se marier avant de passer à l'acte (autrement ce n'est pas décidé en avance en toute connaissance de la question) et de rester ouverts à la fertilité une fois mariés.

Il y a là, comme explication de la morale chrétienne, de la grande poësie qui m'a touché quand j'étais jeune et encore convaincu qu'il était le pape à cette époque là.

Comme explication de la morale chrétienne, ceci reste par contre un peu en-dessous de la clarté juridique et logique souhaitable. Si, en effet, tel couple ne peut pas vraiment passer à cet acte sans multiples mensonges du corps sans avoir préalablement décidé et non de manière préliminaire mais définitive de rester fidèles et ouverts à la fertilité, il n'est pas du tout difficile de croire qu'un couple puisse croire à ce don de soi sans réserve aussi en d'autres connexions.

Sont-ils donc en bonne foi s'ils passent à l'acte avant de se marier ou même - ce qui est encore pire - avec une capote?

Et il y a des mariages de raison où sur le plan psychologique, le don de soi est loin d'être mutuel ou mutuellement complêt.

Devraient-ils divorcer, ou, à défaut, vivre en frères et soeurs jusqu'à ce qu'on ait achevé un don de soi complêt et mutuel sur le plan subjectivement vérifiable?

Clive Staples Lewis, par contre, Anglicain plutôt tradi, évolutionniste de longue durée sur le plan zoologique mais non pas sur le plan spirituel, a donné un autre mot:

"It has not pleased our maker that the distinction between sin and virtue should turn on the presence or absence of fine feelings."


Ceci de la discussion soit à la fin du troisième amour,* qui est celui entre les sexes (ερως, amor), soit au début du quatrième, qui est l'amour inspiré par Dieu, pour lui-même et pour le prochain, selon sa sainte loi (αγαπη, caritas).

Il continue de dire, que les critères qui rendent un acte licite ou illicite dans la domaine de sexualité sont, comme en tout autre domaine, de nature objective et non pas sentimentale. En ce domaine ci: fidélité, fertilité (ou échec involontaire de fertilité, ce qui n'est pas un péché).

Il y a, comme le dit Chesterton, des bonnes raisons pour se marier quand on est amoureux avec une personne dont on est amoureux, à savoir que l'homme et la femme sont tellement différents que pour s'habituer bien l'un à l'autre il vaut mieux le faire dans une atmosphère de tendresse et de bonne volonté exceptionnelles - deux fers durs doivent, pour être bien liés, être fourgeonnés quand ils sont chauds-rouges.

Mais ceci n'est ni une raison de faire autre chose que le mariage chrétien quand on est amoureux (deux hommes qui le seraient l'un de l'autre, ou un homme amoureux d'une femme mariée à un autre n'auraient pas raison par le fait de ce sentiment), ni une raison de ne pas se marier parce qu'on n'est pas amoureux (un de mes meilleurs amis semble avoir trouvé sa femme plutôt en atmosphère amicale et raisonnable qu'en atmosphère très amoureuse - comme les parents de St Jean Bosco, d'ailleurs, qui se sont parlés environ une heure ou une quart d'heure avant de décider le mariage), et encore moins une raison de faire défection quand on n'est plus amoureux mais déjà mariés.

C. S. Lewis en fin connaisseur de la litérature de l'amour note que l'amour de la poësie a longtemps été l'amour adultère. C'est en effet environs aux temps de la Renaissance que l'amour devient un préalable quasiment normal du mariage.

Chez les Protestants, puisque le Protestantisme spiritualise le séculier - métier et mariage, les deux devenant une vocation comme l'avait été la vocation monastique pour les ancêtres catholiques. On ne peut pourtant pas prétendre qu'un homme en général doive rester otieux jusqu'à avoir vocation à un métier spécifique, ni, selon l'adage melius est nubi quam comburi, de rester sans femme jusqu'à avoir une vocation de se marier avec telle ou telle femme.

Chez les Catholiques la raison est un peu différente de la part des prêtres (ou de l'église): si tel homme et telle femme sont amoureux, et l'un ou l'autre épouse une autre personne, tant qu'ils restent amoureux l'un de l'autre, alors leur amour deviendra une piège pour l'adultère, mais s'ils se marient, leur amour ne poussera pas toute leur vie mariée à cet excès d'amour conjugale qu'avaient reprouvé les moralistes du moyen âge (nimis proprie uxoris amator adulter est) et dans l'immédiat, tant que l'amorisité primaire dure, elle ne poussera pas à l'adultère mais à la fidélité.

Il y a donc pour des amoureux des raisons excellentes de se marier - si le mariage est licite, dont un critère reste l'ouverture à la fertilité, ce qui exclut très fermément ce néfaste projet de loi qu'on vient déjà de laisser passer par le Sénat, comme un autre critère, la fidélité, exclut le mariage avec une personne déjà mariée, et un troisième critère est la volontarité, ce qui exclut les mariages entre deux personnes trop jeunes ou entre une personne trop jeune et une autre qui ne l'est pas, les limites étant 14 et 12 à travers les siècles.

Mais il n'y a pas de raison de louer moralement chaque amour dont on peut faire de la bonne poësie, ni de reprouver un mariage juste parce que par quelque manque dans la mentalité de l'un au de l'autre (par exemple homosexualité ou asexualité) cette poësie fait défaut.**

Hans-Georg Lundahl
BpI, Georges Pompidou
Deuxième Dimanche après Pâques
14-IV-2013

*Les deux premiers étant celui des proches et bien connus (στοργη, dilectio), et celui des amis choisis avec lesquels on s'entend, sinon sur la réponse au moins sur l'importance des questions que d'autres ne comprennent pas (φιλια, amicitia).

**Quand je parle d'une poësie qui fait défaut entre deux personnes à cause d'homosexualité, j'entends biensûr qu'ils soient de sexe opposé. Deux homosexuels du même sexe manquent peut-être de la poësie partageable avec des autres (sauf s'il s'agit de deux femmes, il y a Sappho, il y a notre suédoise Karin Boye plus récemment, mais dont le passage le plus poëtique reste la louange de la maternité naturel dans un roman d'anticipation qui dépicte une société mondiale ou démimondiale ayant aboli la nature) - il leur reste néanmoins possible de détourner la poësie que d'autres ont écrit, notemment celle de l'amitié. Sam et Frodon et Robin et Batman sont deux paires d'amis dont cette tendance néfaste a pris des frais, très injustément.

Les livres dont j'ai tiré ces positions s'appellent, par Karol Wojtyla Miłość i odpowiedzialność (Amour et responsabilité, si je m'ose à une traduction), et par C. S. Lewis The Four Loves (Les quatre amours - soutîtré "Storge, Philia, Eros, Agape"), sans oublier The Allegory of Love, sa thèse doctorale, centré sur une lecture des deux parties inégales du Roman de la Rose mais avec sa suite dans la litérature anglaise et écossaise (il y en avait une avant l'union des royaumes) et avec des petits cursus de l'histoire de l'allégorie en dehors celle d'amour et de l'amour en dehors le contexte allégorique. Par Chesterton il y a un essai nommé "Two Stubborn Pieces of Iron".

Saturday, April 6, 2013

Where did Agamemnon Come Up with That?

When Agamemnon prays that the sun may not set until he has slain Hector and destroyed Troy, we are told that his prayer is not to be answered.


Source of quote, John A. Scott, 1965: The Unity of Homer (p. 259 where he is discussing the technique of Homer) - I have not looked it up on the Iliad, so I take it on trust from a scholar.

So, how come Agamemnon even had the idea?

Was he overreacting only, as some have said of Joshua's long day? Those Theologians argue that Joshua overreacted, asked for he knew not what, and was heard by a God not sharing his cosmological prejudice. If Agamemnon was simply overreacting, that would of course be a parallel.

If Agamemnon had heard of Joshua's long day, on the one hand that would not be a parallel to the supposition of those Theologians, but Agamemnon would be asking a favour he already knew to have been granted once, and on the other hand it would be confirmation of the miracle from an independent source.

We have no definite evidence for which it is. If Agamemnon knew of Joshua's long day, later Greek Storytelling does not. And this passage in Homer is our only clue that Agamemnon ever had the knowledge. How, if so, was the knowledge lost? Well, Agamemnon was in a position to suppress unfavourable comments about himself. And having tried and failed the Joshua move was unfavourable enough. So, was the knowledge of the long day totally lost? No, rather it was, in that case, deliberately transformed - into, most probably, Helios rising in the West and setting in the East (which up to then had been only a laughable misunderstanding of Joshua's long day) on occasion of either Thyestes' usurpation and duty to give the throne back to Atreus (Agamemnon's father) or the horror at Atreus' revenge at Thyestes. If he could not repeat the miracle of a Hebrew, he could misattribute the memory thereof to his own family history.

He had more totalitarian power in precisely Greece than anyone after him up to ... probably Philip and Alexander, if not even later. It seems Achaean Greece and the Phrygian Troad were two marginal provinces of the later disappeared Hittite empire. This Empire was also in contact with Hebrews as is clear from Uriah the Hittite, whose widow King David married. So, Greeks - both Achaean invaders into Greece and the autochthonous which some have called Pelasgians - would have remembered a funny behaviour of the sun in different versions, one of which was the sun going backwards over the sky. And Hittite power would have furnished the explanation about Joshua. Which Agamemnon first tried to emulate and then to shut up.

Very successfully so, since we do not know. We only have a passage in Homer - which I haven't read last decades and only know best now from Scott - which I find strangely suggestive.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
BU Paris X/Nanterre
Saturday of Easter Week
6-IV-2013

Tuesday, April 2, 2013

La Statistique Stellaire de Herschel - a-t-elle refuté le géocentrisme?

Série contre l'héliocentrisme de Chaberlot dans son premier livre: 1) Φιλολoγικά/Philologica : En lisant La Voie lactée par Chaberlot : en guise de Proesme, 2) Les définitions de Chaberlot, 3) Inégalité des mythes payens - ou prétendument tels, 4) Chemin des oiseaux migrateurs, 5) Roemer n'était pas Jésuite, 6) Wright, cosmologue héliocentrique de l'infini, 7) La cosmologie moderne, repose-t-elle sur spéculation non vérifiée ou non?, 8) La Statistique Stellaire de Herschel - a-t-elle refuté le géocentrisme?, 9) Dom Calmet et George Leo Haydock sur la louange des étoiles

D'abord une autre question: Pour qui est-ce que j'écris ceci? Bon, ce n'est ni pour la loge, ni pour les psychiatres.

Il y a ceux aussi pour qui "le prof est plus sage que ses élèves et on a tous été élèves" - et moi, je ne suis pas devenu prof, alors, malgré leur réticence je réponds: oui, à une époque on avait des profs dont le savoir dépassait largément celui qu'on avait un-même en avance. Et déjà à cette époque j'ai su que le prof n'est pas plus sage que ses élèves. J'avais appris que 8 - 2 = 6, que 80 - 20 = 60 et devant le problème 800 - 200 je concluait donc que le résultat devait être 600.

La professeure me donnait tort, car dans le "facit" (liste de résultats préimprimée, détenue par les seuls professeurs en général) c'était marqué 700. Finalement un autre élève avec plus d'assurance que moi a pu convaincre la professeure qu'il s'agissait d'une erreur d'imprimérie (occasion à laquelle j'ai appris le mot suédois pour ce genre des choses) et que nous devions tous changer le résultat 700 pour 600. Car, en finale, 800 - 200 = 600. Précisément comme 8 - 2 = 6.

Ceux pour qui c'est clair et net que le principe copernicien est la mesure de la probabilité cosmographique ou que l'astrophysique ou l'astrodynamique doit se passer des moteurs volontaires - car ceux-ci n'existeraient que comme résultat d'une évolution sur les planètes et donc infiniment plus petits et plus faibles que les étoiles autour desquelles orbitent ces planètes, eux ils ne se soucieront peut-être pas non plus beaucoup du fait qu'un chrétien décrivable comme ultra-fondamentaliste ne soit pas d'accord avec eux sur ce principe.

Par contre, j'écris pour tous les autres, en chaque tranche d'âge (sauf les bébés, évidemment, et en ceci à part les bébés miraculeux, comme l'Enfant Jésus qui doit avoir eu connaissance non seulement divine mais aussi infuse des faits dont nous autres font de la philosophie).

Je ne vois que trop clairement pourquoi des spécialistes voudront confisquer une discussion qui leur sera peut-être occasion de rougir devant le peuple, ou pourquoi la loge le serait, car elle rassemble les savants ou pas mal, mais je n'écris pas avec une quelconque réservation en faveur des seuls spécialistes ou des seuls franc-maçons ou des seuls Juifs ou des seuls adultes, j'écris tant que je sois capable pour tous le monde. Et si des psychiatres diront qu'ils voudront m'étudier avant de me permettre d'écrire pour tous le monde, ils n'ont pas le droit.

C'est en tout calme et sérénité que je diffère des préjugés de la plupart de mes lecteurs. Je n'attends pas leur accord pour écrire pour tout le monde. S'ils voudront imposer, c'est pour protéger des autres spécialistes et en dernier lieu leur propre statut comme spécialistes. Moi, donc, j'écris pour tout le monde.

C'est à dire tout le monde qui se trouve intéressé par le sujet. On peut très bien ne pas l'être. On peut très bien préférer un autre des sujets sur lesquels j'écris. Ou le sport, sur lequel je n'écris pas.

Les cinq groupes d'hypothèses, avec lesquelles s'occupe la statistique stellaire, selon Chaberlot, encadré cinq, p.141 et les suivantes:

  1. la distribution des étoiles
  2. la luminosité intrinsèque des étoiles
  3. la rélation entre les magnitudes apparentes et les éclats apparents des étoiles
  4. la rélation entre les magnitudes apparentes et les distances des étoiles
  5. l'extinction interstellaire


Selon lui, toujours, les hypothèses les plus simples en chaque groupe sont:

  1. (A) la distribution des étoiles est uniforme
  2. (B) les étoiles sont identiques et leurs luminosités intrinsèques par conséquent égales,

    LSoleil=LSirius


  3. (C)
    • (C)1 les magnitudes apparentes sont proportionnels - cela signifie qu'une étoile de magnitude apparente n est - en apparence! - n fois moins lumineuse qu'une étoile de magnitude apparente 1, ainsi:

      mn = n*m1


    • (C)2 Les magnitudes apparentes sont reliées aux éclats apparents par la loi physiologique:

      mn - m1 = 2,5 log10 * E1/En


      (yo no comprendo mucho, je ne fait que copier pour ceux qui sont capables de saisir une signification plus précise que celle que je capte très en général)

      Chaberlot peut (il écrit "nous pouvons") montrer que grâce à l'hypothèse (B) et la définition de l'éclat apparent E, alors:

      mn - m1 = 5 log10 n
  4. (D)
    • (D)1Le rapport des magnitudes apparentes égale le rapport des distances - une étoile de magnitude apparente n est n fois plus éloignée qu'une étoile de magnitude apparente 1, ainsi:

      dist.(mn) = n*dist.(m1) <=> dist.(mn)/dist.(m1) = n


    • (D)2 Le rapport des éclats apparents égale l'inverse du carré des rapport des distances:

      E1/En = n2 = [dist.(mn)/dist.(m1)]2
  5. (E) L'extinction interstellaire n'existe pas, ou, si elle existe, elle est négligeable.


Mes lecteurs assidus ont déjà appris de Chaberlot que le débat sur l'extinction interstellaire n'était pas encore là au temps de Herschel, donc, si Chaberlot attribue à Herschel l'hypothèse la plus simple en E, l'absence totale ou présence négligeable de l'extinction interstellaire, alors c'est que Herschel ne s'étant pas posée la question raisonne comme si l'extinction interstellaire de la lumière n'existait pas.

On revient à l'hypothèse (A), l'uniformité de la distribution des étoiles. Pourquoi est-elle la plus simple?

En apparence elle n'est pas une hypothèse simple, mais en contradiction des apparences. Et des apparences déjà connues.

Elle est en elle-même plus simple du point de vue d'un homme qui se poserait comme architecte pour un univers encore à créer (quitte à cet homme, s'il est un chrétien écrivant du fantasy d'attribuer cette création à Dieu), mais du point de vue des astronomes qui sont sur notre terre et dans la création dans laquelle le bon Dieu nous a placés, c'est une hypothèse qui reclame de suite des hypothèses ad hoc pour compenser le manque d'adéquation apparente entre les observations et cette hypothèse.

Herschel prend pour hypothèse ad hoc que si le nombre apparent [et, par absence d'extinction interstellaire de la lumière réel] d'étoiles dans un champs de vision de grandeur donnée par angle est plus ou moins grand, c'est que son profondeur est plus ou moins grande. Prenez par exemple deux étoiles connus comme points de référence pour chaque champ, Sirius et α Centauri, prenez ensuite de chaque étoile le champs ou l'étoile est au coin Nord-Est est le champ totale s'extend 5° au Sud et 5° à l'Ouest de cette étoile. Normalement - selon Herschel - avec un bon téléscope vous trouverez un nombre égal d'étoiles dans ces champs. Mais en réalité vous trouverez un nombre inégale d'étoiles. Là où le nombre est plus grand est là où l'extension du ciel est la plus grande par rapport à nous, ainsi donc Herschel.

Un géocentrique croyant que les parallaxes au sein d'une strate ou couche environ comme une surface de globe appelée "strate des étoiles fixes" ou "sphère des étoiles fixes" s'effectue par l'agissement des anges qui tiennent et dirigent ces étoiles pourrait répondre: non, Herschel, les étoiles sont ce qui est différent entre les deux endroits, mais la ciel des étoiles fixes, en dehors des planètes répérables comme telles, est en distance égale.

Herschel n'aurait pas la preuve du contraire sans faire appel à la théorie de Newton, car, si la densité des étoiles était inégale, alors une étoile à la limite de deux types de densité d'étoiles serait plus attirée par les étoiles plus proches dans le champ plus dense.

Et un tenant de mon hypothèse, qui vient de St Jérôme et de St Thomas d'Aquin, à répondre: non, encore une fois, Herschel, les étoiles ne sont pas en positions stables rélatives les unes aux autres par stabilité des forces d'attraction et d'inertie, comme le voudrait la théorie de Newton, mais par le cadre général donné par Dieu et l'action des anges au sein de ce cadre. Donc il n'y a pas de raison causal physique pourquoi la densité d'étoiles serait une constante par rapport à l'espace qu'elles occupent.

Par l'hypothèse (A) - car Herschel suit pour commencer son hypothèse - D (densité d'étoiles) est une constante relativement à r (radius entre observateur et dernier objet vu) et ω - l'angle en deux dimension, en mon propre example avec Sirius et α Centauri tout alors donc 5° NS * 5° EO (avec chaque étoile prise comme point de référence dans un coin déterminé, au début par exemple le coin NE). De l'hypothèse que D soit une constante on peut déduire la formule:

N(r) = 1/3 * ω D r3


D'où on déduit que le rapport de nombre d'étoiles contenues dans un champ stellaire de profondeur n*r au nombre d'étoiles contenues dans un champ stellaire de profondeur r est:

N (n*r)/N (r) = n3


L'élégance est indéniable, mais comme dit, l'élégance est celle d'un sophisme, à moins de pouvoir démontrer l'hypothèse (A), qui, prise du point de vue épistémologique n'est pas la plus simple.

Mais en finale, bien qu'ils soient pas en faveur de mes théories sur les causes volontaires, les astronomes déjà du XIXe S. débutant ne croient pas très beaucoup sur l'hypothèse (A). Ils font deux formules, une à partir des hypothèses A, B, C1, D1 et E, l'autre à partir des hypothèses A, B, C2, D2 et E. Et ils se rendent compte que la réalité ne correspond pas à ces formules.

S'il y avait eu des bons thomistes, genre Anfossi, encore dans le nombre des astronomes (comme Clavius était parmi l'expertise astronomique consultée par les juges de Galilée), alors l'histoire de l'astronomie aurait peut-être pu se passer de Herschel et de sa suite. Mais Anfossi avait eu d'autres choses à faires, d'avantage impoprtantes, comme la défense de la bulle Auctorem Fidei (condamnation des erreurs du pseudosynode de Pistoie, donc des mêmes erreurs que parmi le clergé constitutionnel et donc parmi les clercs ayant trouvé grâce devant Rome par le concordat de Napoléon I avec le Pape Pie VII.

En plus, les positions thomistes, qui n'étaient nullement des positions originelles de St Thomas d'Aquin, pour la plupart, mais des positions partagées par l'évêque Étienne II Tempier et par St Albert et pas mal d'autres, avaient été raréfiés par le Siècle dit "des Lumières". Donc, comme résultat préliminaire de ma reprise de lecture de Chaberlot, je dois dire que malgré les découvertes optiques, des découvertes de objets trop petits ou trop éloignés pour être vus avant Herschel ou avant SOHO, la théorie de l'astronomie a pris un mauvais tournant.

Y a-t-il une quelconque preuve possible de l'héliocentrisme?

Il y a des coins aspectuels des voyages spatiales - ou allégués tels - qu'il me reste d'expliquer de manière géocentrique. Et complète. À moins de les rejeter comme montages. Mais les accepter reste plus satisfaisant, je n'aime pas accuser des gens de mensonge quand c'est quelque part possible d'éviter cette accusation. Comme je n'aime pas soupçonner un mec d'être homosexuel non plus.

Mais - quoique mes connaissances des astronomes entre Herschel et Kapteyn est encore lacunaire, pleine de trous - j'ose déjà comme j'osais déjà avant* espérer qu'ils n'ont pas apporté de nouveaux preuves de l'héliocentrisme, juste compliqué les cosmologies non-géocentriques, dans les années 1800 (ou déjà 1780) jusqu'à 1930, l'année à partir de laquelle l'astrographie - la quasi géographie des astres - est celle qu'on nous a expliquée dans l'école ou autre part.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
BU de Nanterre
Mardi de Pâques
2 - IV - 2013

*Et ceci depuis une dixaine d'années, ça ne date pas d'hier!

Tuesday, March 26, 2013

Deux Exodes

Il semble qu'hier et ce soir (et encore pendant six jours) les Juifs célèbrent le fait que Dieu a libéré leurs ancêtres de l'esclavage étatique sous le mauvais Pharaon.

En quelques jours, nous les Chrétiens célébrerons un autre Exode, non seulement de Notre Seigneur du tombeau, mais de l'humanité juste du Scheôl.

C'était un piège de tomber sous l'esclavage en Égypte après d'avoir aidé les Égyptiens contre les pièges de la faim. C'était un pire piège que de tomber dans la captivité sous l'empire du diable par la curiosité d'Adam.

C'était grand d'être sorti d'Égypte, mais Scheôl est pire que le Pharaon et c'était plus grand encore pour les âmes des justes, celle d'Adam et celle d'Ève, celle de Moïse, celle de Job et celle d'Orphée, celle de David et celle d'Énée, celle de Daniel et celle de Platon, et celles de tant autres, innombrables, de sortir du Scheôl, car leur Rédempteur était venu par sa sainte Déscente aux Enfers, comme nous le célébrerons en quelques jours. Hier nous avons célébré que d'une personne Divine Éternelle ayant éternellement la Divinité Il est devenu aussi homme, dans le Sein de la Très Pure Vierge Marie, la Gloire d'Israel et de la maison de David.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
Nanterre
Lendemain de l'Annonciation
26-III-2013

Monday, March 11, 2013

"Spiritum quoque Paraclitum esse, qui nec Pater sit ipse nec Filius, sed a Patre Filioque procedens."

Mail exchange, beginning with my challenge on an issue with certain foreclosed questions in today's ecumenical debate.

Subject: "not to be confused with the 3rd Council of Toledo, which first proclaimed Filioque"

http://trentophilaret.blogspot.com/p/filioque-far-older-than-iii-council-of.html

Welcome to cite source for 3rd Concil "first" proclaiming it. Or for making a reasoning about it. My source is a Spanish site (linked to on my page) about precisely the 1st Council of Toledo.

What little I have found, 3rd Council does not actively "add" Filioque, but recites the Creed with it, as being traditionally part of the Creed according to the Spanish tradition back then.

1st certainly and 3rd probably was approved by Rome. Thus it is not a "mere local council" but like those of Orange and that pf Frankfurt a "particular council approved by Rome". Both should be in the Denzinger.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
Wed, 27 Feb 2013

David MacDonald responded 08/03/13

Hi Hans-Georg

The following is a response from Mrak Bonocore, an expert on Catholic Orthodox issues, who wrote most of the articles about the Orthodox Church on the site

Well, what needs to be appreciated is that, in reciting the Constantinopolitan Creed (or A.D. 381) with the Filioque, Toledo was indeed adding the Filoque to this Creed, since the original Constantinopolitan Creed simply did not include the Filioque. Also, when we speak of Toledo as a "mere local council," it must be understood that ALL "mere local councils" always sent the rescripts of their decisions to Rome for blessing and final ratification, as a matter of common practice. This was the most ancient custom of the Church, even predating the first Council of Nicaea in 325 --that is, the invention of the "Ecumenical" Council, an imperial innovation (a creation of Constantine the Great). So, there never really was a "mere local council" of the Catholic Church. Yet, simply because Rome gave its blessing to the decisions of a local or regional council (which Rome always did, unless that local or regional council professed something erroneous or heretical), this did not mean that the decisions of a local or regional council were automatically binding on the rest of the Catholic Church, or approved for the entire Catholic Church. Rather, it merely meant that Rome recognized the decisions of the local or regional council to be good, fitting, and approved for the local or regional district in which the council was held. This is what happened viz. Rome's recognition of the council of Toledo. Rome merely recognized that the Filioque clause was approved and fitting for the Spanish Church, given that the Church in the Kingdom of Spain needed to affirm the Son's eternal participation in the eternal procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father, so as to refute the erroneous claims of the Spanish Arians, and thus facilitate the conversion of the Spanish Visigothic aristocracy to Catholic orthodoxy. ...which is the reason that the council of Toledo was held. However, even long after giving its blessing and approval to the council of Toledo, Rome itself continued to recite the Constantinopolitan Creed in its original form, without the Filioque, as did most other regions of the Western Church. It was only (several centuries later) when the Frankish emperors began to favor and implement the Filioque throughout their vast, Western European realm that Rome began to consider the inclusion of the Filioque in its own recitation of the Creed --something Rome hesitated to do, because it did not want to alienate the Eastern (Byzantine) Empire, but be the source of unity for both Byzantine East and Frankish West. In fact, Rome initially gave its pledge to the Byzantines to maintain such a position. Yet, when Frankish-German imperial influence began to dominate central Italy and the Roman Papacy, Rome actually (though naturally and understandably) violated its pledge to the Byzantines, and this is why the Eastern Church became outraged (and alienated). In this, one must appreciate that, to the (theocratic) Byzantine Empire, the Creed was tantamount to a kind of national "pledge of allegiance"; and when Rome discarded the original form of the Creed for the form favored by the Frankish Empire (Byzantium's rival), it seemed like a "betrayal" to the theocratic Byzantines, and it became something that significantly weakened Rome's ability to fulfill its God-given ministry to unify East and West --that is, the entire, universal Church.

Mark Bonocore


Sorry, you are nearly still refusing Third Council of Toledo - held in Visigothic Spain - with FIRST Council held in Roman Empire.

At third, the Filioque clause was not added by any decision, it was recited with the Creed as already traditional.

At the first Council of Toledo, Filioque Clause was included in a particular rule of faith directed against the Priscillianists.

No clause of faith can be approved by Rome unless it is Orthodox. Filioque clause in the Regula Fidei adversus Omnes Haereses praecipue Priscillinistas was not binding as a needed addition for all the Church, but it cannot have been either:

- wrong or heretical;
- provoked by a particular heresy the Council opposed. Priscillianists were not Arians.

They may have been Modalists, i e saying Son and Holy Ghost are Energies / Virtutes of the Father rather than substantial eternal persons. They were not Arians.

And at Third Council of Toledo, (in Visigothic Spain, directed against Arians, where the Creed of Constantinople is directly concerned) the Filioque clause was not added by decision, but recited as already traditional.

Answer came 10/03/13:

Hi Hans-Georg

Here is Mark's response...

Well, I do not mean to simply reject Hans-Georg's Spanish source, but I have actually never heard of the first council of Toledo (c. A.D. 397-400) using the Filioque clause in its recitation of the Creed, and can find no evidence of this on my own. According to the ‘orthodox’ and accepted historical record, Filioque was not used in Spain until the third council of Toledo in 589. So, given this situation, I am forced to strongly suspect that Hans-Georg's Spanish source is incorrect, and possibly the result of an anachronistic gloss from some medieval (or modern) Spanish scribe –that is, someone including the Creed of 3rd Toledo in the records of 1st Toledo, and so giving the (false) impression that the Creed of 3rd Toledo was always the creedal formula for Spain. This is my immediate suspicion. However, if Hans-Georg can establish the reliability of his source, or show me any other historical source that recognizes Filioque being used among the Spanish that early in history, then I will happily accept his position as authentic. But, until that time, I have serious doubts; and for several reasons:

1) If the Filioque was added to the Constantinopolitan Creed in 397 (that is, only 16 years after this Creed was drafted by the Council of Constantinople I; and only 15 years after Constantinople I was formally ratified and approved by Pope St. Damasus, at his Roman synod of 382), then it would mean that a fully-formed and official Filioqueist theology developed in Spain (and in Spain exclusively!) in just over a decade. Now, this is not impossible (as I will touch on below), but the historical causes for such a development are very allusive.

2) Hans-Georg says that the first council of Toledo recited the Creed with the Filioque to counter the Priscillian heresy –the very reason why 1st Toledo (A.D. 397-400) was called: to refute and condemn Priscillianism. However, it remains to be seen how the Filioque clause would serve to refute Priscillianism, which was an anti-materialist and dualist error. If anything, Filioque’s double-procession of the Spirit would seem to implicitly support (or certainly play-into) the dualist doctrines of Priscillian, not refute them. So, I seriously fail to see how the historical context of 1st Toledo would lead the Spanish bishops to insert Filioque into the (then, very new) Constantinopolitan Creed.

3) According to accepted history, the earliest (possible) case of anyone attempting to modify the Constantinopolitan Creed with a Filioqueist clause takes place among the Nestorians at their council of Seleucia in A.D. 410 –exactly one decade after the conclusion of 1st Toledo. Now, on one hand, this demonstrates that such an early modification is possible. However, the Spanish Catholics who attended 1st Toledo clearly had no contact with the Nestorian church in the Persian Empire (literally on the other side of the known world), and so possessed no connection (whether historical, cultural, or theological) to the reasons why the Nestorians adopted a Filioqueist addition to the Constantinopolitan Creed of 381. If the 4th Century Spanish did it, they had to have solid theological reasons of their own. So, the question is: What would those reasons be, given that the Filioque clause simply doesn’t help to refute Priscillianism –the focus of orthodox Spanish attention at this time.

4) Here, we would do well to appreciate why the Constantinopolitan Creed of 381 (as originally written by the Byzantines) addressed the Spirit’s procession in the first place. The original form of this Creed, stating that the Spirit “proceeds from the Father” (with no reference to the Son), was written to counter the claims of the Macedonian Arians, who asserted that the Spirit was a mere ‘creation of the Son.’ To refute this, the Council of Constantinople borrowed the apologetic of St. Basil the Great and his fellow Cappadocians, who simply referred their Macedonian opponents to John 15:26, where Christ speaks of “The Spirit of Truth Who proceeds from the Father.” This is the source and firm Scriptural basis for the original, Greek wording of the Creed. This is what the Byzantines at Constantinople I intended this part of their Creed to refer to. It was intended to be a direct refutation of the Macedonians error, which claimed that the Spirit does not originate with the Father. This was the mentality in 381; and most of the Latin-speakers in the West (and certainly in Rome) apparently understood this at the time. This is why Pope St. Damasus I (himself a Spaniard, don’t forget) ratified and approved of the Constantinopolitan Creed without any attempt to insert a Filioqueist addition. And so, this being the case, I find it really hard to imagine that the contemporary bishops in Spain would be so quick to add “and the Son” to the Creed’s statement about the Spirit’s procession. For, they too would still be on guard against the Macedonian error at this time. They too would be familiar (as were Pope St. Damasus and St. Ambrose) with the theology of St. Basil and his fellow Cappadocians. And they too would realize that the Creed’s original wording merely reflected the Scriptural statement of Christ in John 15:26. So, again, what would be the theological reason for Spanish bishops in 397-400 to formally alter the Constantinopolitan Creed? I simply don’t see it.

5) A further problem with Hans-Georg’s claim that the Filioque was formally adopted by the Spanish as early as 397-400 is the overall historical context in regard to Spain, and the Priscillian error in particular. For, that regional Church’s campaign against Priscillianism involved not only the dioceses of Spain, but also those of southern Gaul, especially Aquitaine. And, while Hans-Georg says that Filioque was first enshrined in the formal usage of the Spanish Church (against the Priscillians) at 1st Toledo in 397-400, there is certainly no record of it being used in Gaul at this time. Indeed, we know for a fact that the Gaul-based Frankish kingdom, centuries later, received the Filioque from the Spanish. Likewise, in Spain itself, we see a historical problem with Hans-Georg’s claim that the Spanish formally adopted the Filioque at 1st Toledo. For, what about 2nd Toledo in A.D. 527? Was the Creed at that council recited with the Filioque? It should have been, if Hans-Georg’s claim is correct. And, Toledo was not the only site of formally binding councils of the Spanish Church. On the contrary, the Spanish council that actually ended the Priscillian heresy was not 1st Toledo in 397-400, but the First Council of Braga in 561. And, at this council, there was clearly no recitation of the Creed with the Filioque. On the contrary, the canons of this council go out of their way to make certain that all of the Liturgical worship in Spain was in conformity with that of Rome and the rest of the Western Church! And, needless to say, Rome recited the Creed without the Filioque at this time. The same is true of the 2nd Council of Braga in 572. So, again, if Hans-Georg’s Spanish source is correct, then we have a historical progression that looks like this:

A.D. 397-400: First Toledo –the Creed is (supposedly) recited with the Filioque
A.D. 527: Second Toledo –no Filioque
A.D. 561: First Braga ---no Filioque
A.D. 572: Second Braga –no Filioque
A.D. 589: Third Toledo –the Creed is (definitely) recited with the Filioque.

So, unless he can establish that the Filioque was indeed used by all these Spanish councils (and no historian that I know of ever noticed or claims such a thing), the only way that Hans-Georg’s assertion can be true is if the use of the Filioque was somehow “suspended” in Spain between c. A.D. 400 and A..D 589. But, again, where is the evidence for such a thing? And, even if Filioque was used early on, but then set aside (something that is far from established at this point), the historical progression would still clearly demonstrate that the Filioque clause was not yet a formally binding part of Spanish tradition (at least not until 3rd Toledo in 589). In other words, even if we believe that 1st Toledo referenced Filioque, this council clearly did not make Filioque formally binding for Spain. If it did, then the Filioque could not be missing from these other Spanish councils prior to 589.

5) Connected to all this is the political / imperial dimension of the historical record. For, when the First Council of Toledo was held (between 397-400), the dynasty of emperor Theodosius the Great ruled both the Eastern and Western Roman Empires. Now, Theodosius, don’t forget, was also a Catholic Spaniard –the leading general of the (equally Catholic) Western Emperor Gratian, whom Gratian made Augustus of the Eastern Empire when Gratian’s uncle Valens (an Arian) was killed fighting against the Visigoths. Once established in the East, the Spanish Catholic Theodosius set out to rid the Eastern Church (and especially the Eastern capital of Constantinople) of Arianism; and the result of this was the Council of Constantinople I, with its Creed –a Creed that speaks of the Spirit’s procession from the Father alone. So, simply put, the Constantinopolitan Creed was the Creed of Emperor Theodosius the Great. Now, this SAME Theodosius eventually became Emperor of the West as well, engaging in two civil wars against Western usurpers, the first to avenge the death of his patron Gratian, who was the leading political force (in both Gaul and Spain) against the Priscillian heretics. And, once emperor of both East and West, Theodosius installed his sons as co-emperors; and so, at the time of his death in 395, Theodosius’ son Honorius was the sovereign over the West Empire, which of course included Spain. Now, if Hans-Georg’s assertion is correct ---if the First Council of Toledo, held during the early part of Emperor Honorius’ reign, formally adapted the Constantinopolitan Creed to include the Filioque, then we must believe that the imperial court at Milan/Ravenna (as well as the Roman Papacy) endorsed this innovation. Yet, while the theology of Filioque would of course be approved by the Papacy, the idea that the province of Spain could formally adopt at Creed which was at variance with that of the rest of the Western Empire at the time, and that the house of Theodosius (the imperial court at Milan/Ravenna) would tolerate this perceived violation of the Theodosian legal code (which is what the Constantinopolitan Creed actually was, from the imperial Roman point of view) is impossible to believe. In other words, while Spain was actually part of the Western Roman Empire and under direct Roman rule (which it was in A.D. 400, but not in A.D. 589), it would simply not be possible for the Spanish provincials to unilaterally amend the Creed. The imperial house of Theodosius would not have tolerated it, both on legal grounds (because it would violate existing imperial law –the canons of Ecumenical Councils being part of imperial law) as well as on the grounds of “posterity” and “family pride.” After all, the Constantinopolitan Creed was Honorius’ father’s own “legislation.” His Spanish subjects would not be permitted to formally tamper with it. Yet, this imperial dimension of course did not apply by 589, when Spain was no longer under imperial rule, but subject to the Visigothic kings, and an independent state unto itself. In short, if the Spanish had formally (and unilaterally) adapted the Constantinopolitan Creed (a Creed that was essentially “authored” by the ruling imperial family), it would have created a huge political “stink.” But, we of course have no record of such a controversy. And this alone is very damning to Hans-Georg’s assertion.

6) And, lastly, while (as I discussed above) there is no clear historical or theological motivation for the Spanish to formally adapt the Creed or insert the Filioque at 1st Toledo in 397-400, there are very obvious historical and theological motives for them to do so at 3rd Toledo in 589, which signaled the mass conversion of their Visigothic aristocracy from Arianism to Catholicism. In the Spanish / Latin theological mentality, making it clear that the Spirit proceeds from both the Father and the Son reinforced the reality of the Son’s full Divinity; and so the Filioque was inserted to refute an erroneous preoccupation of Gothic Arianism, as opposed to Macedonian Arianism, which inspired the Creed’s original reference to the Spirit’s procession from the Father alone. In other words, these two “schools” of Arianism took very different approaches. The Macedonians believed in a “three-tiered” Trinity, in which the Father “created” the Son, and then the Son “created” the Spirit. But, the Goths didn’t see it this way. The Goth’s had no problem with the Divinity of the Holy Spirit (or, at the very least, the Spirit being some kind of “projection” of the Father’s full Divinity). They merely saw Christ as a kind of “lesser god” or “Germanic demi-god / hero” (e.g. a Christian version of “Thor”). So, in making it clear to the Goths that the Divine Spirit proceeds from the Son as well as from the Father, the Son’s full Divinity was assured, and an obvious unity of the Trinity was established. So, in short, 3rd Toledo (called to refute and put an end to Gothic Arianism) had clear motives for establishing the Filioque, whereas 1st Toledo (called to refute Priscillianism) did not.

Now, with all this said, as I touched on above, it must be admitted that it is certainly not impossible that 1st Toledo recited the Creed with the Filioque. If the Nestorians could do it in 410, the Spanish Catholics could certainly do it in 397-400. But, if this happened (and the word “if” must still be maintained), we must conclude that it could not have been a formally binding issue. For, from A.D. 400 on, the Filioque does not appear as a standard part of the Creed in Spain, or anywhere else in the Western Church. Nor could it have become something that was formally binding while Spain was still under the direct, Roman rule of the house of Theodosius (which it was in A.D. 400). Rather, if 1st Toledo really did recite the Creed with the Filioque (and I still need to be convinced of this with more solid evidence), it would have been merely an informal “embellishment” –a theological “footnote” of sorts, not a formal adaptation. In this, it may have been related to the very linguistic basis for the Filioque controversy. For, the original Greek wording of the 381 Creed is drawn directly from the Scriptural expression in John 15:26, using the same Greek word as the Greek original of John 15:26 – “ekporeusis,” which specifically means to originate from a single principal of cause. Yet, when John 15:26 was first translated into Latin (even long before the days of St. Jerome’s Vulgate), this term (“ekporeusis”) was rendered as “procedit” –a Latin verb that does not carry the same, specific meaning as the Greek; and so does not imply procession from a single principal or cause. Likewise, when the Greek version of the Constantinopolitan Creed was translated into Latin, it too (quite naturally) replaced “ekporeusis” with “procedit,” thus creating a viable opportunity for the Filioque. For, if “procedit” does not imply the Father’s monarchy (His role as principal Source or Cause) in the progression of the Spirit (as it did to the Greeks), then a reference to the Son’s participation in the procession of the Spirit is certainly possible and natural. So, it is therefore quite possible that some Spanish bishop or scribe, when documenting the Creed at 1st Toledo in 397, simply added “and the Son” to the Creedal expression (especially because the theology of Filioque was already well established, and quite second-nature, among the Latin fathers). Yet, once again, this is a far cry from saying that 1st Toledo consciously mandated the inclusion of Filioque or put it forward as a formally binding addition to the Creed (whether merely in Spain, or elsewhere).

Pax semper

Mark Bonocore


To which I answered in two portions:

He is not forced to anything, and as for Creed [Nice Constantinople] recited at First Council of Toledo, I simply do not know it.

This is not the "pisteuo eis hena Theon" in Latin, this is the rule of faith against heresies, especially Priscillianism:

http://trentophilaret.blogspot.fr/p/filioque-far-older-than-iii-council-of.html
http://tiny.cc/m9vrtw

"According to the ‘orthodox’ and accepted historical record, Filioque was not used in Spain until the third council of Toledo in 589."


May be true for the Latin version of "pisteuo eis hena Theon", and as far as written records of the Creed are concerned. Obviously, the third council was NOT reciting the Creed with a "filioque" by pure hazard after everyone before them in Spain recited it without it, NOR was it deciding to add it, since no such decision is recorded from acts of third council of Toledo, ergo, it was already traditional with "filioque" at Third Council of Toledo.

BUT I did not state the first Council of Toledo recited the Creed with filioque. It recited a rule of faith with filioque. A rule of faith which was not the Creed of Nice and Constantinople. Your friend was simply being sloppy when he accused me of that to strawman me about not finding on his own etc. Here on my page I give Latin text with my own tentative translation:

http://trentophilaret.blogspot.fr/p/filioque-far-older-than-iii-council-of.html
http://tiny.cc/m9vrtw

BUT on same page I also link to the source, which he would have found if he had taken the trouble to read my page through (did you even transmit the link?). Here is what I link to:

http://www.filosofia.org/cod/c0397t01.htm
http://tiny.cc/mawrtw

Spanish and Latin parallel texts. He must scroll down to where the Latin has "Incipiunt regulae fidei catholicae contra omnes haereses et quam maxime contra Priscillianos, quam episcopi Terraconenses, Kartaginenses, Lusitani et Baetici fecerunt," - note the qualification that the rule of faith was not made by the fathers of Nice and Constantinople, by implication, since it was made by the fathers of the First Council of Toledo. If your friend reads neither Latin nor Spanish, I feel sorry for him, for in that case he should not be talking about any Councils of Toledo at all.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
BU Nanterre / Paris X
St. Rosina, March 11th
Year of Our Lord MMXIII

"1) If the Filioque was added to the Constantinopolitan Creed in 397 (that is, only 16 years after this Creed was drafted by the Council of Constantinople I; and only 15 years after Constantinople I was formally ratified and approved by Pope St. Damasus, at his Roman synod of 382), then it would mean that a fully-formed and official Filioqueist theology developed in Spain (and in Spain exclusively!) in just over a decade. Now, this is not impossible (as I will touch on below), but the historical causes for such a development are very allusive."


That is assuming there was no filioque theology actually RECORDED before Toledo I. St Athanasius not only wrote ab utroque in the personal creed he submitted to the Pope on returning from exile in Trier (quicumque vult et c), but he also met in exile the Spanish Orthodox non-hero Hosius. Not only that but even between Trier and Spain there is "ab utroque procedens" in St Hilary of Poitiers, in Gaul. He died 368. A date easy enough to remember since 1600 years before my own birth. I e 32 years before the First Council of Toledo.

"2) Hans-Georg says that the first council of Toledo recited the Creed with the Filioque to counter the Priscillian heresy –the very reason why 1st Toledo (A.D. 397-400) was called: to refute and condemn Priscillianism. However, it remains to be seen how the Filioque clause would serve to refute Priscillianism, which was an anti-materialist and dualist error. If anything, Filioque’s double-procession of the Spirit would seem to implicitly support (or certainly play-into) the dualist doctrines of Priscillian, not refute them. So, I seriously fail to see how the historical context of 1st Toledo would lead the Spanish bishops to insert Filioque into the (then, very new) Constantinopolitan Creed."


Apart from his confusion involving erroneously the Creed of Constantinople and Nice into the Context of Toledo I, that is precisely my argument why "filioque" must not be thought of as overzealous protrection of one doctrine at issue, but as seen as already known and traditional doctrine.

If he deigns to read through the antipriscillianist rule of faith of Toledo I instead of confusing it with the "pisteuo eis hena Theon", he will find it condemns Priscillianism very thoroughly, and that "filioque" does not at all play into Priscillianism.

It is rather, if anything, the "nature-energies" distinction made by and revindicated by Orthodox which might be suspected to play into Priscillianism. The Priscillinists obviously made it, since they either said or were suspected of saying (see Pope Saint Leo's letter to Bishop St Turribius of Astorga/Asturica, condemning this) that Son and Spirit were equally "virtutes" i e in Greek "energies" of the Father. The Toletan Creed begins very clearly with saying "This one God and one Trinity is of divine substance." - In other words, it is not the Father alone who is of divine substance, while, as Priscillianists argued to their damnation the other persons are rather energies than substance.

"3) According to accepted history, the earliest (possible) case of anyone attempting to modify the Constantinopolitan Creed with a Filioqueist clause takes place among the Nestorians at their council of Seleucia in A.D. 410 –exactly one decade after the conclusion of 1st Toledo. Now, on one hand, this demonstrates that such an early modification is possible. However, the Spanish Catholics who attended 1st Toledo clearly had no contact with the Nestorian church in the Persian Empire (literally on the other side of the known world), and so possessed no connection (whether historical, cultural, or theological) to the reasons why the Nestorians adopted a Filioqueist addition to the Constantinopolitan Creed of 381. If the 4th Century Spanish did it, they had to have solid theological reasons of their own. So, the question is: What would those reasons be, given that the Filioque clause simply doesn’t help to refute Priscillianism –the focus of orthodox Spanish attention at this time."


Interesting, since St Thomas Aquinas said that the denial of filioque was taken over from Nestorians. Can your friend document that Nestorians actually did accept rather than reject filioque in Seleucia?

Because, either way it proves extremely well that Nestorians knew "filioque", thus that it cannot have been a recent invention in Spain. If both Toledo in 400 and Seleucia in 410 knew filioque, it is the invention of neither, but rather a common heritage.

From 4

"... This is why Pope St. Damasus I (himself a Spaniard, don’t forget) ratified and approved of the Constantinopolitan Creed without any attempt to insert a Filioqueist addition. ..."


This presupposes we have access to the text Constantinople and Pope St Damasus ratified. As far as I know, the text is lacking from the remaining documents and our first Conciliar text for it is from Council of Chalcedon. As far as I know.

From 5

"For, that regional Church’s campaign against Priscillianism involved not only the dioceses of Spain, but also those of southern Gaul, especially Aquitaine. And, while Hans-Georg says that Filioque was first enshrined in the formal usage of the Spanish Church (against the Priscillians) at 1st Toledo in 397-400, there is certainly no record of it being used in Gaul at this time."


There is as said a record of St Hilary of Poitiers usuing the words "ab utroque procedens" to explain his theology. He died 368. And he is not Spain but Gaul. And even previous to the Priscillianists.

"Indeed, we know for a fact that the Gaul-based Frankish kingdom, centuries later, received the Filioque from the Spanish."


That may be true for its insertion into the Creed of Constantinople and Nice. But I do not find any convincing argument beyond taking the Greeks' word for it. It is clearly NOT at all true about the theology of double procession as such. That is a canular, not a fact.

"For, what about 2nd Toledo in A.D. 527? Was the Creed at that council recited with the Filioque? It should have been, if Hans-Georg’s claim is correct. And, Toledo was not the only site of formally binding councils of the Spanish Church. On the contrary, the Spanish council that actually ended the Priscillian heresy was not 1st Toledo in 397-400, but the First Council of Braga in 561. And, at this council, there was clearly no recitation of the Creed with the Filioque. On the contrary, the canons of this council go out of their way to make certain that all of the Liturgical worship in Spain was in conformity with that of Rome and the rest of the Western Church! And, needless to say, Rome recited the Creed without the Filioque at this time."


Thank you for the "needless to say". First of all, my claim is not that the Creed of Constantinople and Nice was recited with "filioque" at Toledo I, my claim is another Creed was drawn up by Toledo I and included the filioque, and Toledo III recited the Creed of Constantinople and Nice with filioque. I made no claim about the exact process between those points.

But second, saying one is liturgically in conformity with Rome does not preclude using a variant extending only to a few words of the liturgy.

Third, we know that at the time of Leo III the Creed was in Rome recited without the "filioque", we have no such indication for the period between Toledo I and Toledo III, neither as far as I know, nor as far as he has shown. The Greeks take it for granted. For the Greeks it is indeed "needless to say". So - what does that prove beyond a zealous defence on their part of "Mystagogé" by Photius?

"So, again, if Hans-Georg’s Spanish source is correct, then we have a historical progression that looks like this:

A.D. 397-400: First Toledo –the Creed is (supposedly) recited with the Filioque
A.D. 527: Second Toledo –no Filioque
A.D. 561: First Braga ---no Filioque
A.D. 572: Second Braga –no Filioque
A.D. 589: Third Toledo –the Creed is (definitely) recited with the Filioque."


He did neither read my page with English translation nor the page I linked to from it. What we do have is:

A.D. 397-400: First Toledo –the Creed of Toledo against Priscillianists is decided with the Filioque
A.D. 527: Second Toledo – please show what Creed, if any, was either drawn up or recited?
A.D. 561: First Braga – please show what Creed, if any, was either drawn up or recited?
A.D. 572: Second Braga – please show what Creed, if any, was either drawn up or recited?
A.D. 589: Third Toledo –the Creed is (definitely) recited with the Filioque.

If no creeds were drawn up on these councils (Toledo II, Braga I and II) and we have no text of the Creed of Nice and Constantinople, we must assume that the Creed against Priscillianism was not liturgically used but doctrinally binding on all of the Spanish Peninsula, unless any clause in it had specifically been revoked as erroneous or as condemning what should not have been condemned or as affirming what should not have been affirmed. To opine otherwise is simply to attribute severe collective amnesia to the Spanish Church.

If the Creed of Nice and Constantinople has been recited and written down as recited by these three councils, we would know whether they did or did not use it with the filioque clause. But even if it had been absent, it was not the only binding document on Spanish Orthodoxy, but the rule of faith from Toledo I remained binding as well. With the filioque.

"In other words, while Spain was actually part of the Western Roman Empire and under direct Roman rule (which it was in A.D. 400, but not in A.D. 589), it would simply not be possible for the Spanish provincials to unilaterally amend the Creed. The imperial house of Theodosius would not have tolerated it, both on legal grounds (because it would violate existing imperial law –the canons of Ecumenical Councils being part of imperial law) as well as on the grounds of “posterity” and “family pride.” After all, the Constantinopolitan Creed was Honorius’ father’s own “legislation.” His Spanish subjects would not be permitted to formally tamper with it. Yet, this imperial dimension of course did not apply by 589, when Spain was no longer under imperial rule, but subject to the Visigothic kings, and an independent state unto itself. In short, if the Spanish had formally (and unilaterally) adapted the Constantinopolitan Creed (a Creed that was essentially “authored” by the ruling imperial family), it would have created a huge political “stink.” But, we of course have no record of such a controversy."


I too base a lot on the fact that Spain was under direct Roman rule in 400.

I base thereon the establishing of the fact that Spain stated "filioque" under no duress or imposed amnesia from Visigoths, under no direct confrontation with persecuting Arians, and with full access of communication to other parts of the Empire.

But I did very much NOT write that Toledo I tampered with the Creed. I wrote that it set up a rule of faith against all heresies and foremost Priscillianism. A text which is not identical with the Creed of Nice and Constantinople. A text with some clear affinities to the - historically speaking earlier - Quicumque Vult. Look at this passage:

Patrem autem non esse ipsum Filium, sed habere Filium qui Pater non sit. Filium non esse Patrem sed Filium Dei de Patris esse natura. Spiritum quoque Paraclitum esse, qui nec Pater sit ipse nec Filius, sed a Patre Filioque procedens. Est ergo ingenitus Pater, genitus Filius, non genitus Paraclitus sed a Patre Filioque procedens.

"And, lastly, while (as I discussed above) there is no clear historical or theological motivation for the Spanish to formally adapt the Creed or insert the Filioque at 1st Toledo in 397-400, there are very obvious historical and theological motives for them to do so at 3rd Toledo in 589, which signaled the mass conversion of their Visigothic aristocracy from Arianism to Catholicism. In the Spanish / Latin theological mentality, making it clear that the Spirit proceeds from both the Father and the Son reinforced the reality of the Son’s full Divinity; and so the Filioque was inserted to refute an erroneous preoccupation of Gothic Arianism, as opposed to Macedonian Arianism, which inspired the Creed’s original reference to the Spirit’s procession from the Father alone."


What topsy turvy tests he uses.

"Such a thing cannot have been said by such a one because he had no clear historical or theological motivation to say it" - excepting of course that he had in reality a very clear motive if he received it by tradition. If Toledo I received the Theology of Double Procession from Tradition, they had as clear a motive to include it in a statement of faith, even if otherwise not required by the controversy, as Sts Anselm and Thomas Aquinas had to defend it.

"This Arian can only be refuted if you add filioque, this other Arian can only be refuted if you do not add filioque" - Truth is always good and sufficient to refute any heresy.

And of course:

"the Creed’s original reference to the Spirit’s procession from the Father alone." - Except that placing "alone" in that context is very much also adding to the Creed. You find Orthodox Catecheses (probably from Photius' Mystagogé on) where the word "alone" is added [in explanations, though not in text of Creed itself], but it is certainly NOT there in the text from Constantinople.


Hans-Georg Lundahl
as in previous email

Saturday, March 2, 2013

I have already written on St Patrick after the Ancient Narrations

St Patrick Series:
Φιλολογικα/Philologica : St Patrick was from some Kind of Britain
somewhere else : What if Tradition is Contaminated?
Creation vs Evolution : Linking to Others
Φιλολογικα/Philologica : I have already written on St Patrick after the Ancient Narrations


My few reservations against details or explanations of them in the booklet St Patrick after the Ancient Narrations by Rev. Philip Lynch C.S.Sp.

First one I put on p. 53 although what I react against was probably earlier in the introductory review of Flood Geology.

His text:

took 1,300 years to lower it to near where it is today


He bases this on Ireland lifting out of waters so long after the Deluge. Here is my footnote response:

That might be wrong. If Ireland rose 1300 years after the Flood, then it might be Land Hightening taking place after Ice Age leaves off, Belloc thought the Ice Age ended very late in the Baltic, only just before Christ "otherwise one would have heard of Danish sea farers much earlier" - and we know parts of Sweden where coast line has changed well after Christ by land heightening, when tectonic plates rise after having been depressed by the load of ice in the Ice Age.

I added in the margin now that Land Heightening is usually known as Post-Glacial Rebound.

Page 60, his text where he repeats Keating's theory that St Patrick was from Bretagne (or Brittany):

there he [Niall of the Nine Hostages] went into northern France


My side margin note:

Not quite so! He went into the sea between Britain and Gaul, between Lagria and France. And the 200 [children and youngsters he took as slaves] need not all have come from the last stop.

P. 94, about the privileges granted to St Patrick, text of the priest, dialogue when St Patrick answers an angel:

"Yes, that the Saxons shall never hold Ireland by consent or force as long as I dwell in Heaven"


My foot and side margin note, since this concerns veracity of God's promises:

When England did "hold" Ireland: a) it was never quite held [Chesterton complained about Shaw's John Bull's other Island that Shaw made the other island a good deal too much John Bull's], b) English were not Saxons any more than Normans or Danes and less [than they were] Britons or c) this could have been an addition from times when Englishmen were hated for Protestant cruelties in Ireland.

P. 100, concerning moral theology, text of Rev. Lynch, St Patrick says to Conal:

'Enter now and go to Eoghan son of Niall who is a faithful friend of mine and he will help you if you take secretly the finger next to his little finger for that is always a token between us'.


My footnote:

I am not sure that part of the story does not come from times when Catholic freemasons (before 1717) evaded English persecution that way.

I have contacted the See of Armagh about this question, whether this part of the story is with certainty older than Geoffrey Keating or not. I have not yet been answered.

P. 255, where Rev. Lynch holds "child's head petrified" and p. 256 where he exposes stones similar to dolichocephalic human heads with names Sean and Tony, and where he gives Sean a pair of glasses (but we also se an English edition of Osservatore Romano), I put two notes.

My side note on page 255:

This could be a) a joke, b) a way to avoid grave desecrations by archeologists, and c) a provocation to any evolutionist who called it a joke, considering how the evolutionist believed laughable things about hard objects. Laughable since the things are as hard to check as the objects he belives them about.

Since on p. 256 he talks of Sean and Tony as petrified by the flood, I wrote:

I don't think myself that humans were petrified by the flood, though Druids and Trolls have been instantly petrified.

That plus the fact that Reverend Philip Lynch C.S.Sp. believed the earth turns on its own axis were the reservations I had about an otherwise excellent and informative book.

Enjoy the reading! On p. 259 he begins a very good essay against meddlers in general, and the meddlers who claim to serve "animal rights" in particular, an essay called "Animal Welfare is not Animal rights" - which is very true about the question and equally true about meddlers in general.

Thoroughly recommended reading for everyone.

Hans-Georg Lundahl
University Library of
Nanterre - Paris X
Sts Jovinian and Basileus, Martyrs
2-III-2013